The Abraham Lincoln Brigade and American Culture

Invisible Heroes: The Abraham Lincoln Brigade and American Culture

 

“Those who have entered it honorably, and no men ever entered earth more honorably than those who died in Spain, already have achieved immortality.”    ~ Ernest Hemingway, On the American Dead in Spain[1]

 

There is a hole in American culture. We are a people who reverently mythologize the lone band of idealistic heroes, defending justice against powerful odds. Any high-school student knows the Minutemen, the defenders of the Alamo, and the 7th Infantry at Pork Chop Hill. But we intentionally exclude a heroic group of our countrymen from our cultural memory.

In 1936, a small contingent of 2600 idealistic Americans traveled to Spain to join in the fight against Franco’s Falange and Hitler’s Nazis. These ‘premature antifascists’ struggled against the same brutal ideology that millions of their countrymen would oppose just a few years later. Nevertheless, the members of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade would be constrained from fighting in World War Two, and during the McCarthy years they would face public ridicule and government persecution. Their heroic story would only rarely be told, and when it was – as in Earnest Hemmingway’s For Whom the Bell Tolls – the Brigade itself would denounce the depiction. The reasons for this disregard are rooted in the Brigade’s own intransigent attitudes and in America’s inability to recognize idealism in a Marxist context.

 

 

The Frame: The Spanish Civil War

Spain in the 1930s had a record of political instability. Right-liberalism and Left-socialism created a deeply divided polity in which fringe factions played significant roles. The dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera imposed some stability from 1923 until 1930, when he was overthrown by popular action. Sadly, the weak center-left Second Republic that formed in 1931 was unable to maintain order in a country rocked by general strikes, assassinations, and conspiracies. The Republic launched a sweeping land reform and passed anti-clerical laws, thus alienating the conservative forces. The lethal combination of instability and dramatic social change resulted in an attempted coup d’état by officers of the Spanish Army in July 1936. The leadership of their Nationalist alliance organized was in the hands of the fascist Falange. The resulting war pitted land-owning aristocracy, the military, and the Catholic Church against a coalition of moderates, socialists, communists, anarchists and regional separatists. The battle between political extremes mirrored the growing political chasm worldwide, and foreshadowed World War II.

The ‘civil’ phase of the war lasted only eight days and was won by the Republic. Then fascist Germany and Italy entered the conflict. Both sides settled into a protracted conflict that would last until April 1939.  The Falange received significant material support and “volunteer” troops from Italy and Germany. Britain and France, fearing the conflict might escalate, engineered a “Non-Intervention Agreement” that with the silent cooperation of the Roosevelt administration, prevented aid from reaching the Republic. As a further measure of American sentiment, the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives unanimously passed an Embargo in 1936 prohibiting any arms shipments to either of the combatants.[2] In desperation, the Republic turned to Soviet Russia for assistance.

The Brigades

Seeing an opportunity to create a worker’s state in Spain, Moscow used the structure of the Comintern to recruit International Brigades from communist organizations throughout Europe and North America. Stalin and the Comintern believed that if Fascism could be stopped in Spain, then history would continue to unfold toward the ultimate revolution of the proletariat.[3] Consequently, communist cells in New York received a secret communiqué from Moscow directing them to raise a military brigade. The Communist Party of the USA (CPUSA) appealed directly to its members. Most of the American volunteers came from a radical tradition that included the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW – “Wobblies”), the American Workers (Communist) Party, and various leftist student organizations.[4] Even the Socialist Party of the United States decided to abandon its pacifist stance to support the Republic. Eventually 40,000 volunteers from 53 countries formed the International Brigades.

In their first engagement, the Battle of Jarama, “the Americans were cut to pieces.[5] The Washington and Lincoln Brigades suffered nearly 50% casualties and had to be merged into a single unit, the ALB. The Brigade took part in further costly engagements throughout 1937 and 1938. They fought with bravery in lopsided battles at places such as Teruel and the Ebro but inept leadership and lack of material severely hampered their performance. Perhaps a third of the 3,000 American volunteers died in Spain. High casualty rates and battle heroism helped to create support among anti-fascists in the United States.

U.S. media like Time, Life and Newsweek picked up the Republic cause in June 1937 with headlines that read: “American Volunteers Spearhead Jarama Attack! American Shock Troops in Violent Government Offensive!” But their exploits were compromised from the start. Even this initial opportunity to depict the Brigades as heroes was blunted by a raging debate between pro-Franco papers such as the Chicago Tribune, Washington Times and the Hearst Press, and pro-Republic media such as the New York Post, Christian Science Monitor, Esquire and Colliers.[6] Elsewhere in the United States, prominent liberals like John Dewey and Adam Clayton Powell spoke of the Republic as “the forces of democracy and social progress.”[7] Yet despite this support, the awareness and sympathies of the average American were anemic.  As late as February 1939 a Gallup Poll found that less than 60% of respondents knew about the War, while only half of those supported the Republic.[8]

By the spring of 1938 the Republican government realized that only foreign intervention could save their cause. This would not occur so long as the fight involved troops with Soviet backing. The Brigades were disbanded in November after an emotional stand-down parade in Madrid, saluted with the words “You can go proudly. You are history. You are legend.”[9] Despite this, the Republic was doomed to be defeated in April 1939. The reign of Spanish Fascism lasted until Franco’s death in 1975. In 1955, within twelve years after Franco entered Madrid, Cold War geopolitics led the United States to sponsor Spain’s admission into the United Nations. The great battle between the Republic and the Fascists had slipped from America’s conscience.

The Lincoln Brigade returned to an uncertain welcome in America. Although they did not yet know it, “the survivors returned from the war marked men.”[10] Our effort to understand must first recognize the processes by which the volunteers sunk into alienation.

Despair and Recrimination

The United States was wrapped in economic depression and deep political division. In July 1939, right-wing radio priest Father Charles Coughlin denounced the spread of atheistic radicalism and vowed that his Christian Front movement would “fight you in Franco’s Way.”[11] Worse followed. The Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 1939 hurled the ALB into turmoil. Most veterans dutifully accepted Moscow’s line that the agreement was purely pragmatic; that the Western Allies would not stand against fascism anyway. The subsequent Nazi invasion of Poland and the Soviet invasion of Finland forced further rationalizations. Some anti-fascists left the ALB in disgust. The majority maintained party loyalty.

Pressure on the ALB began to mount in 1939. President Roosevelt directed the Attorney General to investigate “various subversive elements” that included fascist, Nazi and Communist. The FBI quickly arrested some veterans for interrogation and held them in a federal penitentiary. The charge was violation of an 1818 statute against recruitment of foreign armies – this at the same time when Roosevelt had approved of recruitment for the Finnish White Guard.

When America entered World War II, ALB veterans were denied enlistment.  Government agencies viewed participation in the Spanish War as evidence of Communist sympathies. Other veterans were rejected on the basis of their ‘illegal’ service in Spain. ALB veterans got the support of syndicated columnist Drew Pearson of the Washington Post, who championed their cause in April 1943. Subsequently, Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes supported their appeal for combat duty. The Army reluctantly removed its classification of “potentially subversive personnel” but still continued to make unexplained removals from combat.[12]  Eventually many ALB veterans formed part of the original core of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS).

The ALB Invites Persecution

Even as the Spanish Civil War raged, the ties between the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and the Soviet Union compromised its public image. When Stalin signed the non-aggression pact with Hitler, the Lincolns joined other communists and pacifists in the American Peace Mobilization to protest U.S. support for Britain. Not only did this further antagonize the U.S. government, it alienated the Brigade’s anti-Fascist support. Public opinion began to turn negative.

With the death of Roosevelt, Stalin issued orders to international communism that denounced recent “revisionist tendencies” and called for a return to class struggle. After WWII, the Lincolns tried to keep the dream of a free Spain in the public view, but Cold War sentiment neutralized their efforts. Increased HUAC (House Un-American Activities Committee) activity against Spanish civil war refugees led the Lincolns to denounce it as “pro-Franco, pro-Fascist.”[13]

Romanticism and Betrayal: The Arts

Initial artistic responses to the civil war appeared as early as 1937. After visiting Republican troops in Spain, Langston Hughes wrote “Letter from Spain Addressed to Alabama.”[14] Although this poem suggests that some elements within the United States appreciated the issues involved in the War, it is likely that the poetic format limited its public reach. Scholars have dismissed it as “proletarian doggerel” and “a maudlin dialectic poem in ballad-epistle form.”[15] More successful was The Spanish Earth, released in the same year as Hughes’ poem. This pro-Republic documentary written by John Dos Passos, Archibald Macleish, and Ernest Hemingway, was financed by American and British artists.[16] The film was so overtly passionate that many critics dismissed it as mere propaganda.

While Americans learned of the War from newsreels and radio broadcasts, the Europeans experienced it on their doorsteps.  There is a whole genre of French and German literature discussing the Spanish Civil War. Notable European artists who supported the Republican cause include George Orwell (Britain), who wrote of his experiences in Homage to Catalonia, and Robert Capa (Hungary), who chronicled the War in photographs such as Death of a Republican Soldier. Poet W.H. Auden (Britain) contributed Spain 1937, and most famously Pablo Picasso (Spain) delivered Guernica. Only one American artist had comparable impact.

Ernest Hemingway was the best-known foreign correspondent for the United States. The celebrated novelist was a frequent visitor to Brigade positions on the front line. He personally paid the hospital bills for some wounded veterans and sent others assistance money. But although Hemingway continued to write and speak on behalf of the volunteers, he grew increasingly critical of their strong ideological focus. In autumn 1938 he declared himself disgusted by “the carnival of treachery and rottenness on both sides.”[17] “By the time For Whom the Bell Tolls was published in October 1940, the camaraderie of the Spanish war had shattered amid the twists and turns of global politics.”[18]  Robert Jordan, Hemingway’s idealistic hero, does not have an ALB affiliation, but is simply anti-fascist and pro-Republican. Referring to his doomed comrades, he simply says “They are the people of the Auto de Fe; the act of faith.”

For Whom the Bell Tolls became an instant success. American readers gravitated to the hero who sacrificed himself for the greater purpose of fighting fascism.[19] The novel focused on themes of personal honor, sacrifice for ideals, dignity, and a romantic side-story. But instead of welcoming this positive depiction, the Lincolns denounced Hemingway for inserting a romance into his story and for portraying communist commissars (such as the contemptible character Golz) as brutal and opportunistic. A group of Lincolns wrote an open letter to Hemingway charging slander and distortion. In part, their attack was to blunt a drift of U.S. policy toward intervention in the new European war.[20] Hemingway was not to be intimidated. The subsequent battle of rhetoric did nothing to further the reputation of the Brigade, who continued their public feud with the popular novelist. They irrationally charged that his novel “had contributed to pro-Franco sentiment in the United States” and that they made a sacrifice while Hemingway was a “tourist” and a “voyeur” who did not do what was best for the cause.[21]

The 1943 release of the movie version of the book, starring Gary Cooper and Ingrid Bergman, enjoyed equally popular success. The movie conscientiously avoided the use of the word “fascist” to describe the anti-Republican forces and instead turned the civil war into a fight between Nazi sympathizers and peasants, with the hero as a weary observer of their respective inhumanity. Further, for the original film release, two scenes were cut from the book in order to make the movie less brutal and to focus more on the love story.[22] Although these scenes have been restored in the latest DVD releases, the blurring of the political issues in the 1940s pleased audiences and infuriated the Lincolns. They pummeled the movie with invective.

Although the American arts community responded to the fascist threat, its outrage was rarely noted in the mainstream.  Poet Langston Hughes said “If Fascism creeps…across the World…there will be no place left for intelligent young negroes at all.”[23] Probably few people outside of the African-American community noticed. More broadly, American culture of the 1930s and 1940s was not susceptible to appeals to race and ethnic liberalism. America was still a place where a Jew could be denied entry into the Army Air Corps because of his ethnicity.[24]

Indirect references to the Brigades occasionally appeared in popular culture during the 1940s. In Michael Curtiz’s 1942 film Casablanca, consistently number two in the list of greatest movies, Humphrey Bogart’s character Rick admits to having fought for the Republic. The 1966 French film La guerre est finie, by Alain Resnais, did address the underlying political issues of both pre and post-Franco Spain, and was a great hit in Europe because it revealed how the tensions of fascism lived on in the 1960s.[25] In contrast, Fred Zinnemann’s American film Behold a Pale Horse (1964) simply used the war as the backdrop for an action film.[26] Interestingly, this movie is set some twenty years after the end of the civil war, but it does not deal directly with either the political issues or the history of the war. The film was only moderately successful at the box office. There are as yet no American-made films centered on the Lincoln Brigade.

In Maxwell Anderson’s play Key Largo, the war serves as the ideological context for the main character’s actions. The hero is a Spanish Civil War volunteer who deserted under fire and redeems himself through dying to protect a true hero.[27] John Huston made the subsequent film version while in a rage over Joseph McCarthy’s HUAC hearings on the movie industry. Huston and his stars Humphrey Bogart and Lauren Bacall opposed the HUAC, so they adapted the prose play and transposed the action to the United States. Their version of Key Largo became an allegory in which fascist-like gangsters preyed on innocent Americans.[28] It therefore had an indirect anti-fascist plot and alluded to fascist threats, but it was not a story of the Brigades nor  of the War.

The situation remained unchanged when the 1973 film The Way We Were presented a sanitized version of the American Communist movement.[29] Barbara Streisand’s leftist character supported only those causes that resonated with the American society of the 1970s – protest on behalf of the Spanish Republic, against the Hollywood Ten, and in favor of Nuclear Disarmament. Once again the depiction of the war and its participants was subordinated to romance. In more contemporary times, Ken Loach’s Land and Freedom (1995) demonstrated that a film could gain success while depicting both volunteer heroism and the Communist Party’s suppression of the anti-Soviet left in Barcelona.[30] Elsewhere, the success of Guillermo del Torro’s El labertino del fauno (2006) illustrates how a powerful and ideological examination of the left-fascist conflict can capture the imagination of the U.S. public.[31] The first of these films is British and the second Spanish. The great American film centered on the Lincoln Brigade still remains to be made.

Early Brigade Scholarship: VALB Apologetics

The first book about the Abraham Lincoln Brigade may have been Edwin Rolfe’s The Lincoln Battalion, appearing in 1939.[32] Published by the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade (VALB), this work focused on the communist arguments for participation in the Spanish conflict, and tied that support to the larger class struggle in America. Rolfe took pains to re-establish the proletarian roots of the volunteers. For example, he reported their resentment at being required to adopt practices of capitalist armies, such as separating officers and enlisted men at meals.

Scholarship Through the 1980s:  Vacillation in Portrayal

Early Brigade historical literature was reluctant to handle the Lincoln’s communist origins. Many historians made an effort to repatriate the reputation of the veterans and to emphasize their heroic virtues, but others were openly critical. In 1966, for example, Vincent Brome’s The International Brigades seemed uncertain of how to treat the Lincolns.[33]  He refers to a news bulletin issued in late December, 1936 stating that “Chairman McReynolds of the House Foreign Affairs Committee declared he would urge the Department of Justice to apply the section of the criminal code…for enlistment of Americans in a foreign army.” Although Brome notes that nothing came of this, his treatment leans on the illegality of the Brigade’s organizing of volunteers rather than on the injustice of the threat.[34] Similarly, of all the literature reviewed, his is the only source which characterizes the refusal of Lincoln commander Robert Merriman to send his men into a suicidal assault by writing “The truth is that the Lincoln Brigade mutinied the first day it went into action and had to be driven at pistol-point into attack.”[35]

For a conventional narrative history, Verle Johnston’s Legions of Babel (1967) is quite representative.[36] The Brigades are referred to by their numbers rather than national origins, and battle descriptions lean on tactical events rather than acts of individual or unit heroism. Indeed the only appeals to emotion are in descriptions of (1) the kindness that volunteers showed to Spanish children, and (2) the skeptical and somewhat rebellious attitude the ALB displayed about the commissar’s orders. Neither of these describes heroic behavior.

At the time of its publication in 1974, Gabriel Jackson’s Concise History was one of the best-selling works by a historian – in Europe.[37] Claiming objectivity at the onset, Jackson argued that “history is not a story of good guys versus bad guys.”[38] Nevertheless, his treatment distinctly favors the Republic, closing with the question “Who were the most authentic Spaniards, the humane compromisers…or those who…chose to die on their feet rather than to live on their knees?”[39] He extols the International Brigades collectively for their heroism, but does not provide a focused study of the Lincolns.

Alvah Bessie, a committed volunteer who later became a screenwriter and was one of the blacklisted “Hollywood Ten”, assembled a set of essays authored by his comrades between the end of the War and 1985, the year Bessie died. Just as other histories reflect the time in which they are written, Our Fight ties America’s poor political decisions in 1936 to the 1986 debate over America’s role in Nicaragua. Entitled Our Fight, the collection draws from individual accounts and impassioned articles by politically left authors, poets and songwriters.[40] The randomly-organized articles lack an overall narrative or any noteworthy connective information. While not a history, the emphasis on memory lends a high degree of immediacy and emotion to the accounts. The often-stirring accounts could only find an audience through the support of the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade (VALB), who underwrite it publication. Indeed, the Preface expresses regret that no one has yet honored the Brigade.

Another 1997 publication seemed to promise leftist viewpoint. Comrades opened with an introduction by protest singer Pete Seeger, and then moved directly into a history that readily admits its “anger that countless U.S. administrations have treated us like pariahs.”[41] Nevertheless, Comrades is essentially a diary of war experience by an actual participant. The author, Harry Fisher, served as a volunteer in the War. Of all the reviewed texts, his history provides the most stirring accounts of bravery and dedication. But as he admits, “most of the men and women who went to Spain…are blameless, faceless, forgotten.”[42] By the time he published there were only 150 Lincolns still alive.

Just a few years later Dante Puzzo took the opposite approach from Alvah Bessie and characterized the volunteers as liberals, playing down their communist ties.[43] Of the International Brigades in general, he writes, “many were communists, but at least as many were liberal democrats and noncommunist leftists. Previous military service, élan, and sheer necessity led to the Brigades being used as shock troops. They consequently suffered particularly heavy losses.”[44]

Puzzo’s main interest is to trace the lack of political will among Western democracies that permitted the fascist victory. He demonstrates how the 1938 Munich Settlement allowed Hitler to send fresh supplies to the Falange. This in turn caused Stalin to reappraise his position, and led directly to the Reich-Soviet Non-Aggression Past of August 1939. Franco then assured Britain and France that he would remain neutral in any coming war with Germany. The West decided to sacrifice the Spanish Republic.[45]  Only Puzzo chooses to record Juan Negrin’s September 1938 speech to the League of Nations at Geneva: “In order to eliminate all pretexts and possible doubts about the genuine national character of the cause for which the Republican Army is fighting, the Spanish Government has decided to withdraw immediately and completely all the non-Spanish combatants who are participating in the fight in Spain on the side of the Government.” Thus the focus in this work is political intrigue, not idealistic heroism.

A spate of highly ideological accounts emerged in the 1970s and 1980s. This literature relied heavily upon cant-filled interviews with surviving veterans, often supplemented with Marxist observations. John Gerassi’s Premature Fascists is typical.[46] Gerassi, the son of the last Loyalist general to defend Barcelona, announces his Marxist perspective when describing the demographics of volunteers. “Exactly nine individuals belonged to ruling class families or to their high civil servant allies”. He refers to the U.S. as “the United States of Pinkerton men and Klansmen, massacres and frame-ups.” [47]

Gerassi uses his Introduction to survey the organizing struggles of the socialists and labor unions in the US from late 19th to mid-20th centuries. His description is rife with “official murders”, “master class”, “ruling elites”, “the greed and corruption of the United States’ and Canada’s ruling classes and their allies in government”. Despite this, he does a credible job of showing how American culture of the 1920s and 1930s was caught between socialist radicalism and government repression. His overall depiction is of an America torn by racism, strike-breaking, riots, and the failure of the New Deal.

Gerassi explains that the Lincoln volunteers stayed loyal to Moscow through the purges and the Nazi-Soviet pact of 1939 because of the treatment they received from “many high officials in both the United States and Canada (who) had hoped to fight the Soviet Union, not the Axis.”[48] The degree of the veterans conspiracy hypothesis is described by “Most vets concluded that the allies hoped was to smash all U.S. independent unions so that someday the United States would be able to accept without rebellions…double digit unemployment, rigid racial imbalances, widening gaps between rich and poor, and the proletarianization of the middle class”.[49]

If some neo-Marxists were focused on the nobility of class warfare, other voices were ready to characterize the Lincolns in less favorable terms. R. Dan Richardson revealed his take with the title of his 1982 account, Comintern Army.[50] “The facts fail to support the myth” that the International volunteers were “the cream of the progressive youth of the age. Both sides in the civil war represented a varied amalgam of mutually incompatible ideologies.” He has no doubt about where loyalties lay. The Brigades “were, from beginning to end, an integral part of that interlocking directorate which was the Soviet-Comintern apparatus in Spain.” Socialists and Communists supported the Spanish Republic only grudgingly, if at all. They saw the Popular Front as only an intermediate stage on the path to more dramatic social changes.[51]

British historian David Mitchell wrote a brief account of the War in 1982. His treatment aims at placing the Spanish Civil War into the broader context of European politics leading up to World War II.[52] For instance, he studies the weakness of The Non-Interventionist Committee for signs leading to the Munich Pact, and sees Chamberlain’s agreement to recognize Italian rule in Ethiopia as a trade for Mussolini’s phony promise to respect the status quo in the Mediterranean. The Munich Pact “assured Hitler and Mussolini that there would be no Anglo-French objections to any plans they had for Spain.”[53] Further, as part of his own appeasement of Hitler, Stalin agreed that the International Brigades should be withdrawn. The Brigades themselves received scant attention from Mitchell. He summarizes the fate of returning ALB veterans with “On arrival in New York the FBI confiscated the passports of returning Brigaders” and notes that the Russian ‘Spaniards’ were liquidated by Stalin merely for having fought outside the homeland.[54] Rather than seeing traces of heroism, he observes “Pablo Picasso, Guernica, the Condor Legion: a fitting trio to symbolize the relentless internationalization of the civil war.”[55]

Historical analysis was well into the 1980s and heroism had yet to make an appearance. As late as 1989, Arthur Landis would still focus on the Brigade’s month-by-month progress in battle.[56] The most obvious note of passion comes not from the historian, but from Hemingway’s “Eulogy to the American Dead in Spain”, his 1939 speech before first convention of ALB veterans.”[57]

Much of Landis’s Death in the Olive Groves focuses on the betrayal of the Republican government by the British and French, who blockaded aid and arms, and by the failure of the Roosevelt administration to offer aid until it was too late. He details the Republic’s attempts to purchase arms from everyone else other than the Soviets for three months before finally having no alternative but to ask for Russian aid.

An obvious tone of admiration runs through Death in the Olive Groves. The design of the narrative strives to have the American reader identify directly with Brigade volunteers. Landis proclaims the American Constitution and the Declaration of Independence to be anti-Fascist documents by their very nature (emphasis in the original). Polls between 1936 and 1939 showed that 76% of the American people were basically liberal, progressive, humanist and anti-Fascist, and that they solidly supported the Spanish Republic. Landis leverages this portrayal, stressing the anti-Fascist element of the Brigades rather than the Communist alignment.[58]

After Pearl Harbor, many ALB volunteers were denied service as “premature anti-Fascists”, but “through perseverance, about half the survivors from Spain found service in the armed services and the merchant marine. Approximately half of those who enlisted died.[59] Late in his account the historian observes that “…the achievements of the ALB both in Spain and in WWII would suggest that in battles fought, in men lost, and in honors received, they might easily surpass any other group of fighting men in the military history of the United States.”[60]

1990’s Scholarship: More History, Intermittent Dogma

In 1994 Peter Carroll’s The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade attempted to draw a perspective free of ideological cant. Taking the position that previous works like Gerassi’s Premature Antifascists “too readily takes the Lincolns at their word”, he proceeded to demolish some of the Lincoln’s most cherished myths.[61]  Nevertheless, the picture he paints has many elements of heroic characterization that appeal to 21st century sensibilities. For example, the Brigade was completely desegregated. Blacks commanded white troops for the first time in American history. Demographically, the ALB included blacks, whites, American Indians and a single Japanese- American, a direct repudiation of the fascist master race appeal. Nearly 80% came from the nation’s largest cities while 80% had at least one parent born abroad. Older than the conscript armies that they fought, the average age of the volunteers was in the late 20s.[62]

Odyssey depicts how volunteers were screened of “undesirable elements” to assure that “this unique military crusade, symbolic of the unity of the international working classes’ did not accept “mere adventurers” and government spies.[63] The word ‘crusade’ is thus juxtaposed with the concept of collective action.

Carroll is particularly sympathetic to the efforts of Brigade veterans to gain recognition for their cause. He records how ALB veteran Alvah Bessie wrote “a classic novel”, Men in Battle, based on his experiences, and implies that this moving account had popular appeal. A review of best-selling novels from this period does not support his inference. Other veterans also tried their hand at fiction – with even less success.[64]

Although he does not promote the idea of the Lincolns as heroes, Carroll does describe their futile efforts to raise political awareness after their return from Spain. Volunteers sought to force the U.S. government to lift its policy of nonintervention. Symbolic acts such as an attempt to place a commemorative wreath at the “eternal light” at Madison Square were blocked by city police, epitomizing the government’s opposition to their involvement.[65] Such acts fed government distrust and led to increased HUAC harassment. Carroll is especially successful at tracing the growth of government pressure. For example, he observes “…that in the crisis they aligned with Communists testified less to their naiveté or malevolence than to the failure of mainstream politics to address the most important international issues of the decades.”[66] The environment in which they operated was complex. “Although public-opinion polls showed that the majority of Americans favored the loyalist cause, an influential segment of the population endorsed Franco; for them, communism seemed far worse than fascism.” These sympathies prevailed in the State Department. Consequently, ALB veterans faced discrimination in the workplace, including from pickets.[67] “Recent historical scholarship, facilitated by the Freedom of Information Act, reveals that the systematic discrimination against the Lincoln veterans in the armed services reflected a deliberate military policy formulated in the War Department.”[68] In 1948 the Justice Department ordered the VALB to register officially as a foreign agent.

The HUAC heard anti-ALB testimony beginning in 1938, primarily directed against the dominance of Communist policies in Spain. As the Lincoln’s alienation from mainstream America grew, their public attacks against administration policy became strident and some veterans began to cooperate with Soviet intelligence officials in the U.S. Carroll details the general climate of federal and state harassment and the arrest of communists including VALB members throughout the 1950s. Testimony by various parties before the HAUC and SACB (Subversive Activities Control Board) established the connections between the Communist Party and the ALB. Brigade members appearing in testimony repeatedly invoked the Fifth Amendment.[69] But harassment did not lead to charges. It is with irony that Carroll concludes his study with the note that in 1971 Attorney General John Mitchell directed the SACB to remove the ALB from the list of subversive organizations. No criminal charges had ever been brought. The ALB was never charged with violating the law. “The Lincolns had been maligned and punished for harboring deviant political beliefs.[70]

As the 20th century came to a close, journals and lecture halls were busy with the War. The Republic Besieged, published in 1996, collects essays and articles by a range of British and Spanish historians that commemorated the sixtieth anniversary of the War.[71] The editor notes that at the time in Spain there was a ‘pacto del olvido’ (pact of forgetfulness) regarding the War. This was a “tacit agreement that there would be no settling of accounts after the Death of Franco”, hence a reticence to teach the history of the War in universities.[72] The collection, profoundly pro-Republic, eulogizes the Brigades while minimizing their ties to Stalin. The Irish Brigade gets an entire essay while the ALB is mentioned only in a footnote.

Historical Literature of the New Century

In 2001, Hugh Thomas published his exhaustive account of the War, in which he tends to treat the Lincolns as naive.[73] For example, he mentions that “alone of the Brigades, a majority of the Americans was composed of students.”[74] The role of the Brigades is depicted as a public relations exercise rather than an idealistic response. Accordingly, he is somewhat dismissive about their contribution, noting that at the Battle of Brunete (July 1937), the Lincoln and Washington Brigades lost so many men that they had to be merged.[75] Thomas sees the disbanding of the Brigades as axiomatic once “when they ceased to be effective propaganda and the seasoned men who had been the early brigadiers had mostly been killed…”[76] By this time even the Lincoln Brigade was comprised of a three-to-one majority of Spaniards.

Thomas’s greater interest appears to be in looking at the manner in which persecution of the veterans sullied American values. “After the war, in the era of McCarthy, any connection with the Spanish cause came to be regarded as subversive. The Abraham Lincoln Battalion itself was declared so in 1946… That body of veterans continued to be persecuted until the 1960s in a way which brought the liberal state into disrepute.” [77]

Not surprisingly, when we look at the literature of other Brigade-supplying nations, we encounter work focused on their own volunteers, with relatively little about the ALB. For example, Robert Stradling’s recent history is written primarily from the British viewpoint, drawing heavily upon the accounts of W.H. Auden and Christopher Isherwood.[78] Stradling is particularly interested in cultural history, and he uses postmodern analysis to explore the relationship between the Second Republic and “the world of creative intellect.” He examines the ways in which the image and history of the Brigades were constructed during the war in order that he can draw broad conclusions about the manipulation of symbols in modern politics. Portraying the war as “the climax of a philosophical struggle between…mandarin ‘culture’ and ‘art’ (on the one hand) and the demands of the socio-political commitment”, he provides nothing to further our understanding of the Brigade mentality, or to support the ALB as a band of heroes.[79] Stradling may in fact be commenting on the scarcity of heroic Civil War history when he notes that “…writing was the means by which ‘Spain’ entered the bloodstream of western culture.”[80] This implies that non-historical literature has been the carrier of the heroic image. In the case of the ALB, he cites not a single American historian, but rather a novelist. Ernest Hemingway. “Hemingway…was obsessed with the idea that their cause was a crusade for democracy.”[81]

A new generation of Spanish historians began to appear in the 1990s, finally presenting a departure from official Fascist accounts of the war. Francisco Salvado’s The Spanish Civil War permits open admiration for the sacrifice of the Brigades, in which their communist connection tends to be minimized.[82] He emphasizes class values. “Intellectuals were significantly represented, but the majority of volunteers came from working-class backgrounds. The Brigadiers’ participation in the war of others was a noble struggle destined to prove their cause back home.”[83]

Teaching Representations of the Spanish Civil War, appearing in 2007, collects articles designed to present the War to high school history students.[84] With this objective, it seems particularly strange that the text does not use the Brigade’s heroism and sacrifice to appeal to the young audience, choosing instead to present the conflict primarily as political history. “Volumes have been written about them from different political and emotional perspectives, and yet their history remains unknown to most students and teachers alike.” [85] The editor, Noel Valis, expresses the opinion that “Some critics would argue that Hemingway …superimposes American values over Spanish ones.” Attempts to locate any such analysis among critics have failed. Valis is more on point when he asserts that “Many American veterans…took exception to Hemingway’s critical portrayal of… la Pasionaria and Andre Marty and to his extended account of a massacre of fascists by Republicans in a small village.”[86]

The tone of the articles in Teaching is vaguely left-political. “To many Europeans, liberalism failed to stave off the economic crises and workers’ unrest of the early 1920s. The Great Depression, it seemed, hammered the last nail in liberalism’s coffin. Alternatives to liberalism appeared in the forms of Communism and Fascism.”[87] “The republic and the war itself played out against the growing polarization between the extreme right and the extreme left occurring elsewhere.”[88]

The most current scholarly work is Cecil Eby’s Comrades and Commissars (2007), a notably even-handed account based on extensive research and interviews with ALB survivors.[89] Eby’s book is mostly a linear narrative of first-hand volunteer experiences. He recalls that when he was researching his first book (Between the Bullet and the Lie) in the 1960s, the executive secretary of the VALB would only take him to veterans who conformed to “the rigidly canonical version of Lincoln history.” To most, this meant focusing on the cause and not on the people who fought. Comrades also offers an insight that may explain why Brigade historiography tends to skew left in its politics. A study by historians John Haynes and Harvey Klehr found not a single article about the CPUSA in the Journal of American History. There are, however, “twenty-two articles portraying American Communism in a positive light or demonizing domestic anti-Communists.”[90] Perhaps some historians are reluctant to be seen as championing the organized communist party, but not reluctant to portray its opponents in unfavorable terms.

Eby listens to the veterans with an unprejudiced and critical ear, carefully dissecting their still-potent rhetoric. For example, he demonstrates that since a ‘brigade’ was technically composed of four battalions, the Abraham Lincoln Battalion was renamed the Brigade. This rather “cynical propaganda” was managed by the CPUSA back in New York, to quadruple the apparent American commitment to the war against fascism.[91] Elsewhere Eby shows how, when the Soviets signed the 1939 non-aggression pact with Hitler, the CPUS abruptly switched its oratory to “Keep America Out of an Imperialist War.” Many veterans left the Party at this point because they could not stomach siding with the Fascists.[92]

Comrades takes special pains to correct some of the legends and misinformation surrounding the Brigade. In support of this author’s contention, Eby demonstrates that public ignorance about the ALB was so great that when one veteran tried to enlist with the U.S. Army in WWII and said he had fought in Spain, the recruiter was puzzled. The veteran was too young to have fought in the Spanish-American War! Interestingly, Eby says no evidence has ever been uncovered to support the claim that ALB veterans were labeled ‘Premature Anti-Fascists’ by the government. “Evidence does exist, however, to show that Lincoln vets themselves used the term in a proudly sardonic vein.”[93] Under the Smith Act…half a dozen veterans went to jail for conspiring to overthrow the U.S. government, but “No one was ever jailed simply for having fought in the ALB, although broadsides published by the VALB made it appear so.”[94]

The opportunity for the Lincolns to be recognized as heroes was always close at hand. Eby notes that in 1965, the Supreme Court vacated orders that had required registration of the VALB as a Communist-front organization. Unfortunately, the concluding remarks of the SACB have been ignored by both patriots of the Right and partisans of the Left. The operative finding was “The record shows that some Americans fought there on behalf of the Republic out of motivations completely alien to Communist purposes.”[95]

Although he cuts these aging veterans little slack for their anachronistic politics, Eby is sympathetic with their passionate idealism. He seems genuinely moved when describing the alienation of those volunteers who, after their return to the United States, were purged from the veteran’s organization if they did not adhere strictly to party discipline and the official ALB story.[96] His reference to a 1938 Life photo-article, “Americans Have Died Fighting for Democracy in Spain” indirectly asks where the subsequent public attention fled. Even so, Eby helps us identify the attitudes that denied heroic stature to the Brigade. The veteran’s main complaint against For Whom the Bell Tolls was that, in the words of Alvah Bessie, it should have focused on the “collective struggle of the People” and not on “a morbid concentration upon the meaning of individual death, personal happiness, personal misery, personal significance.”[97] Regrettably, it was exactly these qualities that would have appealed to the American public.

Conclusion: The Heroes That Never Were

The Abraham Lincoln Brigade’s brave involvement in the Spanish Civil War had the opportunity to live in American memory in the same manner as the “Lost Cause” of our own Civil War. Regrettably, it has only the dimmest presence in popular culture. In an informal survey of 57 underclassmen at the University of Georgia in 2009, only three had any awareness that there had been a civil war in Spain in the twentieth century, and none of these could correctly name the belligerents. Not one student could identify the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.

Joseph Campbell became famous by identifying the common markers that define the mythic hero across a range of cultures and eras. Among these markers are: a call to adventure, a noble ‘vision quest’ of significant meaning to society, a set of increasingly arduous and threatening tasks in pursuit of that quest, and a final victory in which the hero is often destroyed through his own weaknesses.[98]  The ‘Lincolns’ possessed utopian ideals and a heroic vision. They passed through stages of peril and death, only to find their ideals betrayed and their efforts demeaned. Finally, they trapped themselves in a cloak of invective that alienated the culture that might have elevated them to heroic status.

[1] Ernest Hemingway, On the American Dead in Spain. Speech at the 10th Anniversary dinner of the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. New York: Hotel Astor, February 12, 1947.

[2] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War. New York: Harper and Row, 1977. P. 362.

[3] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 75.

[4] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp.20-33.

[5] Eric Blaine Coleman, Some Men Put In Their Lives: Americans in the International Brigades. Monograph presented in support of Graduate Study. Wooster, Ohio: College of Wooster, 1995.

[6] Arthur H. Landis, Death in the Olive Groves: American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. New York: Paragon House, 1989. P. 34.

[7] Allen Guttmann, The Wound in the Heart: America and the Spanish Civil War. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1962. P. 81.

[8] Gallup Poll on the Spanish Civil War, February 1939.

[9] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 205.

[10] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 3.

[11] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 225.

[12] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 263.

[13] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. 277-86.

[14] Langston Hughes, “Letter from Spain Addressed to Alabama.” In Volunteer for Liberty, November, 1937.

[15] Arnold Rampersad, Life of Langston Hughes, Vol. II. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. Pp. x, 528.

[16] The Spanish Earth, directed by Joris Ivens. Sling Shot, 1937. Produced by Herman Shumlin

[17] [17] David Mitchell, The Spanish Civil War. London: Granada Publishing, 1982. P. 176.

[18] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. 236-7.

[19] Ernest Hemingway, For Whom the Bell Tolls. New York: Scribner, 1940. Pp. x, 495

[20] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 240

[21] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. 318-9

[22] For Whom the Bell Tolls, directed by Sam Wood. Hollywood: Universal Studios, Produced by Sam Wood and Buddy G. DeSylva, 1943. Gary Cooper’s best-known role was the beleaguered sheriff in High Noon, in which the iconic American hero stands alone against evil hired guns from out-of-town, and is abandoned by those who ought to support him on principle. Although the film is seen as a metaphor for the McCarthy hearings, it can also stand for the role of the ALB volunteers and for Republican Spain itself.

[23] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 78.

[24] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 85

[25] La guerre est finie, directed by Alain Resnais. Paris: Brandon Films, Produced by Anatole Dauman, Catherine Winter and Gisele Rebillon, 1966.

[26] Behold a Pale Horse, directed by Fred Zinnemann. Hollywood: Columbia Pictures. Produced by Fred Zinnemann, 1964.

[27] Maxwell Anderson, Key Largo. Washington, D.C.: Anderson House, 1939.

[28] Key Largo, directed by John Huston. Hollywood: Warner Brothers. Produced by Jerry Wald, 1948. The play’s ending was thrown out and a new one was added from Hemingway’s To Have and Have Not, since Howard Hawks’ film of that name had previously thrown out Hemingway’s ending.

[29] The Way We Were, directed by Sydney Pollack. Hollywood: Sony Pictures. Produced by Ray Stark, 1973.

[30] Land and Freedom, directed by Ken Loach. England: Grammercy Pictures. Produced by Rebecca O’Brien, 1995.

[31] El labertino del fauno (Pan’s Labyrinth), directed by Guillermo del Torro. Aragon, Spain: Tequila Gang. Produced by New Line Home Video, 2006.

[32] Edwin Rolfe, The Lincoln Battalion: The Story of The Americans Who Fought in Spain in the International Brigades. London: Kessinger Publishing, 2008. Pp. x, 352. This is a reprint of the original book published by The Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, 1939.

[33] Vincent Brome, The International Brigades: Spain 1936-1939. New York: William Morrow & Company, 1966. Pp. x, 317.

[34] Vincent Brome, The International Brigades: Spain 1936-1939. New York: William Morrow & Company, 1966. P. 105.

[35] Vincent Brome, The International Brigades: Spain 1936-1939. New York: William Morrow & Company, 1966. P. 186.

[36] Verle B. Johnston, Legions of Babel: The International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War. London: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1967. Pp.. x, 228.

[37] Gabriel Jackson, A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War. London: Thames and Hudson, 1974. Pp. x, 192.

[38] Gabriel Jackson, A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War. London: Thames and Hudson, 1974. P. 7.

[39] Gabriel Jackson, A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War. London: Thames and Hudson, 1974. P. 182.

[40] Our Fight: Writings by Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade Spain 1936-1939, edited by Alvah Bessie and Albert Prago. New York: The Monthly Review Press, 1987. Pp. x, 360.

[41] Harry Fisher, Comrades: Tales of a Brigadista in the Spanish Civil War. London: University of Nebraska Press, 1997. Pp. x, 197.

[42] Harry Fisher, Comrades: Tales of a Brigadista in the Spanish Civil War. London: University of Nebraska Press, 1997. P. xi.

[43] Dante A. Puzzo, The Spanish Civil War. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, 1969. Pp. x, 191

[44] Dante A. Puzzo, The Spanish Civil War. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, 1969. Pp. 45-6.

[45] Dante A. Puzzo, The Spanish Civil War. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, 1969. Pp. 88-9.

[46] John Gerassi, The Premature Antifascists: North American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-39 An Oral History. New York: Praeger Special Studies, 1986. Pp. x, 275.

[47] John Gerassi, The Premature Antifascists: North American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-39 An Oral History. New York: Praeger Special Studies, 1986. Pp. 3-5

[48]Gerassi, The Premature Antifascists: North American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-39 An Oral History. New York: Praeger Special Studies, 1986. P. 17.

[49] Gerassi, The Premature Antifascists: North American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-39 An Oral History. New York: Praeger Special Studies, 1986. P. 18.

[50] R. Dan Richardson, Comintern Army. Lexington, Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 1982. Pp. x, 232.

[51] R. Dan Richardson, Comintern Army. Lexington, Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 1982. Pp. 1-3.

[52] David Mitchell, The Spanish Civil War. London: Granada Publishing, 1982. Pp. x, 208.

[53] David Mitchell, The Spanish Civil War. London: Granada Publishing, 1982. Pp. 164-5.

[54] David Mitchell, The Spanish Civil War. London: Granada Publishing, 1982. P. 198.

[55] David Mitchell, The Spanish Civil War. London: Granada Publishing, 1982. P. 41.

[56] Arthur H. Landis, Death in the Olive Groves: American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. New York: Paragon House, 1989. Pp. x, 254.

[57] Arthur H. Landis, Death in the Olive Groves: American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. New York: Paragon House, 1989. P. xiv.

[58] Arthur H. Landis, Death in the Olive Groves: American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. New York: Paragon House, 1989. Pp. 226

[59] Arthur H. Landis, Death in the Olive Groves: American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. New York: Paragon House, 1989. P. 231.

[60] Arthur H. Landis, Death in the Olive Groves: American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. New York: Paragon House, 1989. P. 223

[61] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. ix.

[62] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. 15-20.

[63] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. 64.

[64] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 119.

[65] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 205.

[66] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 63

[67] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. 211-4.

[68] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. P. 262

[69] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. 295-312

[70] Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. 349-50.

[71] The Republic Besieged: Civil War in Spain 1936-1939, Paul Preston and Ann Mackenzie, ed. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1996. Pp. x, 324.

[72] The Republic Besieged: Civil War in Spain 1936-1939, Paul Preston and Ann Mackenzie, ed. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1996. P. vi.

[73] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War. New York: The Modern Library, 2001. Pp. x, 1096

[74] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War. New York: The Modern Library, 2001. P. 557.

[75] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War. New York: The Modern Library, 2001. P. 695.

[76] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War. New York: The Modern Library, 2001. P. 829.

[77] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War. New York: The Modern Library, 2001. P. 928.

[78] Robert Stradling, History and Legend: Writing the International Brigades. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2003. Pp. x, 282

[79] Robert Stradling, History and Legend: Writing the International Brigades. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2003. P. x i.

[80] Robert Stradling, History and Legend: Writing the International Brigades. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2003. P. viii

[81] Robert Stradling, History and Legend: Writing the International Brigades. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2003. P. 111

[82] Francisco J. Romero Salvado, The Spanish Civil War: Origins, Course and Outcomes. Hampshire, England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Pp. x, 268.

[83] Francisco J. Romero Salvado, The Spanish Civil War: Origins, Course and Outcomes. Hampshire, England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. P. 79.

[84] Teaching Representations of the Spanish Civil War, Noel Valis, ed.  New York: The Modern Language Association of America, 2007. Pp. x, 599.

[85] Robert S. Coale, “The Abraham Lincoln Brigade Volunteers: Historical Contexts and Writings”, in Teaching Representations of the Spanish Civil War, Noel Valis, ed.  New York: The Modern Language Association of America, 2007. P. 179.

[86] Noel Valis, “Hemingway’s War”, in Teaching Representations of the Spanish Civil War, Noel Valis, ed.  New York: The Modern Language Association of America, 2007. Pp. 259-60.

[87] Sandie Holguin “Navigating the Historical Labyrinth of the Spanish Civil War”, in Teaching Representations of the Spanish Civil War, Noel Valis, ed.  New York: The Modern Language Association of America, 2007. P. 29.

[88] Teaching Representations of the Spanish Civil War, Noel Valis, ed.  New York: The Modern Language Association of America, 2007. P. 8

[89] Cecil D. Eby, Comrades and Commissars: The Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. Pp. x, 510.

[90] Cecil D. Eby, Comrades and Commissars: The Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. P. 427.

[91] Cecil D. Eby, Comrades and Commissars: The Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. P. xii

[92] Cecil D. Eby, Comrades and Commissars: The Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. Pp. 423-4

[93] Cecil D. Eby, Comrades and Commissars: The Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. Pp. 426-7.

[94] Cecil D. Eby, Comrades and Commissars: The Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. P. 430.

[95] Cecil D. Eby, Comrades and Commissars: The Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. Pp. 429-30.

[96] Cecil D. Eby, Comrades and Commissars: The Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. Pp. 421-5

[97] Cecil D. Eby, Comrades and Commissars: The Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. P. 434

[98] The Hero’s Journey: Joseph Campbell, Phil Cousineau, ed. New York: Harper Collins, 1990. Pp. x, 238.